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韩国年轻男性为何愤怒

Why South Korea's young men are angry
韩国年轻男性为何愤怒
1741字
2019-10-09 13:56
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韩国年轻男性为何愤怒

Seoul (CNN)On the same street corner in Seoul where 10,000 South Korean women rallied last October to demand an end to spy cameras and sexual violence, the leader of a new activist group addressed a small group of angry young men.

(CNN)记者在首尔报道,去年10月,一万名韩国妇女聚集在首尔街头,要求停止监控摄像头和性暴力。现在,在同一街角,一个新的反女权组织带领着一小群愤怒的年轻男子发表了讲话。

"We are a group for legal justice, anti-hate, and true gender equality," Moon Sung-ho boomed into a microphone to a crowd of a few dozen men waving placards.

“我们是一个追求法律公正、反仇恨和真正性别平等的团体。”Dang Dang We组织领导人文成镐(Moon Sung-ho)对着麦克风向几十个人挥舞着标语牌的男子喊道。

As feminist issues come to the fore in deeply patriarchal South Korea, there's a growing discontent among young men thatthey're being left behind. Moon, who leads Dang Dang We, a group "fighting for justice for men," is one of them.

在男权盛行的韩国社会,随着女权主义问题日益凸显,而感觉“被抛下”年轻男性中,一股不满情绪正在滋长。宣扬“为男性正义而战” 的Dang Dang We组织领导人文成镐就是其中之一。

He started his group last year after a 39-year-old business owner was sentenced to six months in prison for grabbing a woman's buttocks in a Korean soup restaurant. The case provoked outrage that a man could be convicted on no evidence beyond the victim's claims.

去年,在一名39岁的企业主因在一家韩国汤餐厅“摸一名女性的臀部”而被判入狱6个月后,这起案件激起了公愤,因为除了受害者的指控外,没有任何证据可以证明一名男子有罪。由此,文成镐发起成立了该反女权组织。

While some lashed out at the judge, 29-year-old Moon found another culprit: feminism. Moon and his group held a panel discussion at the National Assembly, Korea's top legislature, in early September, to expose what they perceive to be the alleged harms of the movement.

在一些人猛烈抨击法官的同时,29岁的文成镐找到了另一个罪魁祸首:女权主义。文成镐和他的团队于9月初在韩国最高立法机构国民大会(National Assembly)举行了一次小组讨论,以揭露他们所认为的这场运动的所谓危害。

"Feminism is no longer about gender equality. It is gender discrimination and its manner is violent and hateful," he said to applause from his audience of about 40, mostly young, men.

“女权已经不再关乎性别平等。它现在就是性别歧视,而且已经成为了一种暴力和憎恨的方式,”他的这段话博得了40多名男性观众的掌声,其中大多数都是年轻人。

"I don't support the #MeToo movement"

“我不支持#METOO运动

The emergence of mainstream feminist voices and ideas came in response to the brutal murder of a young woman near a subway station in trendy Seoul suburb, Gangnam, in 2016. The perpetratordeliberately targeted a female victim.

2016年,在首尔时尚街区江南区,一名年轻女子在地铁站附近被残忍杀害。经调查,行凶者故意将目标对准一名女性受害者。随即反映主流女权的声音和思想出现了。

The woman's death triggered an examination of attitudes towards women in the country, which broadened to include campaigns against sexual harassment, like the #MeToo movement and anti-spy cam protests, dubbed #mylifeisnotyourporn.

女性的死亡引发了对该国女性态度的调查,调查范围扩大到包括反对性骚扰的运动,如#MeToo运动和名为#我的生活不是你的色情反间谍摄像头抗争运动。

To many, the discussion was long overdue in male orientated South Korea, which ranks well below the global average on the 2018 Global Gender Gap report, with major disparities in terms of wage equality and earned income for women.

对很多人来说,这种讨论早该在以男性为主导的韩国展开。在2018年的《全球性别差距报告》(global Gender Gap report)中,韩国的性别差距远远高于全球平均水平,男女在工资平等和劳动收入方面存在巨大差异。

Campaigners found support from the South Korean government and President Moon Jae-In, who vowed to "become a feminist president" before he was elected in 2017.

这些活动得到了韩国政府和总统文在寅的支持。文在寅在2017年当选总统之前誓言要“成为一名女权主义总统”

Since then, there have been several high-profile prosecutions relating to sexual abuse involving politicians, K-pop stars, and regular men. With each court victory, the disquiet among men, especially young men, began to build.

自那以后,已经有几起涉及政治人物、韩国流行歌手和普通男性的性侵案件受到了高度关注。随着案件的结束,男性中开始出现不安情绪,尤其是年轻男性。

"I don't support the #MeToo movement," said Park, a business student in his early 20s who vehemently disagrees with the notion that young women today are disadvantaged in society. "I agree that (women) in their 40s and 50s (made sacrifices), but do not believe that women in their 20s and 30s are being discriminated against."

“我不支持#METOO运动。”20岁出头的商科学生朴说,他强烈不同意女性在现今的社会中处于不利地位,“我同意(上世纪)四五十年代出生的女性做出了牺牲,但我不认为现在二三十岁的女性受到了歧视。”

Park is not his real name. He wants to remain anonymous because he fears repercussions for his views. So does Kim, another student in his early 20s who is about to graduate from university. Kim says he sits apart from women at bars to avoid being falsely accused of sexual harassment. Although he was once supportive of feminism, he now believes it's a women's supremacy movement that aims to bring down men.

朴不是他的真名。他不愿透露真名,因为害怕表述自己的这个观点而遭到报复。另外一位20多岁即将毕业的大学生金也是这样。金说自己去酒吧时会坐的离其他女性很远,以免被冤枉成性骚扰。虽然他曾经支持过女权,但是现在认为这只不过是女性扳倒男性的一个霸权运动罢了。

"When a woman wears revealing clothes, it's gender violence and sexual objectification. But the same critic will enjoy a similar photo of men. Feminists have a double standard," he said.

他说:“当女性穿着暴露的时候,就是性别暴力和物化女性。但是如果换成男的,评论就完全不一样了。女权就是双标。”

Both Park and Kim say men like them are being punished for the crimes of a previous generation. "Patriarchy and gender discrimination is the problem of the older generation, but the penance is all paid by the men in their 20s," Kim said.

朴和金都认为像他们这样的男人正在因为上一代人犯下的错而受到惩罚。“父系社会和性别歧视明明是老一辈的欠下的债,但却让我们这些20代的男人来还,”金说。

Park and Kim are not alone. A Realmeter poll last year of more than 1,000 adults found that 76% of men in their 20s and 66% of men in their 30s oppose feminism, while nearly 60% of respondents in their 20s think gender issues are the most serious source of conflict in the country.

并不只有朴和金这么觉得。去年Realmeter对超过1000名成人进行了民调,结果发现76%的20代男性以及66%的30代男性反对女权主义,还有将近60%的20代受访者认为性别问题是韩国最严重的冲突源头。

What angers Park and Kim most of all is the nation's policy of compulsory conscription, which forces men their age to serve in the military. At the same time, they think women are getting a leg-up from new government programs that help them enter traditionally male-dominated industries.

让朴和金最生气的是韩国的兵役政策,强迫他们这个年龄段的男性入伍服役。与此同时,他们认为女性从政府新项目里获益,这些项目能够帮助她们进入传统以男性为主导的产业。

End of old masculinity

“封建”男性社会的结束

For 62 years, South Korean men have been forced to join the army. The tradition, which began with the Korean War, requires all able-bodied men between 18 and 35 to serve between 21 to 24 months in the military. But, unlike their fathers, today's youth don't believe in this traditional male duty.

韩国男性被迫服兵役已经有62年的历史了。这一传统起始于朝鲜战争,要求所有18岁至35岁间没有身体缺陷的男性都要服役21-24个月。但和他们的父辈不同,如今的年轻人不认为这是传统的男性责任。

Moon's government is trying to increasing the number of women in the military, where they currently make up around 5.5% of active troops, according to the latest figures. But right now, women are exempt from compulsory conscription.

文在寅政府正在试着增加军队的女性数量,根据最新的数据,目前现役部队中女性的数量只占大约5.5%。但现在女性服役不是强制的。

Park -- who was injured during his time in the army -- says he got zero benefit from military service. "It's unfair that only one gender must serve during their early 20s. We should be pursuing our dreams instead."

朴在服兵役期间受了伤,他说服兵役对他来说毫无益处。“只有男性必须要在20代服兵役,这很不公平。这个年龄我们应该是在追寻梦想而不是服役。”

It's a view backed by surveys of young men conducted last year by Ma Kyung-hee, a gender policy researcher at Korean Women's Development Institute.

去年韩国妇女发展学会的性别政策研究者马京熙(Ma Kyung-hee)开展的一项年轻男性调查结果也佐证了这一观点。

Ma's study of 3,000 adult men found that 72% of men aged in their 20s think that the male-only draft is a form of gender discrimination, and almost 65% believe that women should also be conscripted. Almost 83% believe that military service is better to be dodged, if possible, and 68% believe it is a waste of time.

马的研究涉及3万名成年男性,结果发现72%的20代男性认为仅限男性的兵役是一种性别歧视,而且有将近65%的人认为女性也应该被征募。近83%的人认为,如果可能的话,兵役能躲掉是最好的,还有68%的人觉得兵役完全是在浪费时间。

They're not just concerned about losing two years of freedom. They're also worried about missing out on opportunities. "If I can't use that time for self-improvement, won't I lag behind women in the job market?" Kim asked.

他们不只担心会失去两年的自由,还在担心会错过机会。“如果我没有利用这段时间来提高自己,那么在人才市场里我会不会被女性甩在身后?”金问道。

Competition for jobs

岗位竞争

In South Korea's hyper-competitive job market, well-paying jobs at large conglomerates are few and far between.

在韩国竞争超激烈的人才市场,大型集团企业的高收入岗位十分稀缺。

In the last 10 years, the youth unemployment rate has jumped from 6.9% to 9.9%. If you include youth who are working part time, as well as those who are not in prison, school or the military, that rate soars to 21.8%.

在过去10年里,年轻人的失业率从6.9%猛增到了9.9%。如果再算上做兼职还有那些没有蹲监狱、上学或者入伍的年轻人,那么失业率能飙升到21.8%。

And while the country underwent an economic growth spurt from the 70s to the 90s, the young generation of Korea are working in a sluggish economy. Meanwhile, housing prices remain high: the median price for an apartment in Seoul is $670,000 -- while median incomes in the city fall short of $2,000 per month.

虽然韩国在上世纪70年代到90年代间经济突飞猛进,但是如今的韩国年青一代所处的经济环境很萧条。与此同时,房价依旧居高不下:首尔一套公寓的中间售价为67万美元(约合人民币477万)——而首尔的中间收入还不足2000美元/月(约合人民币1.4万/月)。

Competition for jobs is intense -- and it has only become more so thanks to government programsto bring more women into the workforce. Although the country's education gap is all but closed, women earn less than men in the workforce and are poorly represented in government.

岗位的竞争异常激烈,而由于帮助女性就业的政府计划,竞争只会更甚。虽然韩国的教育差距已经缩小了,但是女性仍比男性的收入低,而且很少会在政府部门任职。

In November 2017, the Ministry of Gender Equality revealed a five-year plan to expand female representation in ministries, government enterprises, and public schools. Last February, it was proposed that the plan be extended to the private sector to incentivize large conglomerates to hire more women and change the male-centric corporate culture.

2017年11月,韩国性别平等部门公布了一项5年计划来扩大女性在政府部门、政府企业和公共学校的就业机会。去年2月,有人提议将该计划扩延到私人企业,以刺激大型集团企业雇佣更多的女性,改变以男性为核心的企业文化。

But some men say these measures are giving women an unfair advantage. "I worry whether I would be disadvantaged in finding employment," Kim said. "Because before, it was a position that I could have easily won by merit, but due to the gender quota, (if I don't get the position) it will be unfair."

但一些男性认为这些措施给予了女性一个不公平的优势。“我担心自己在找工作时是否会处于劣势,”金说,“可能之前的一个职位,我会因为自己的优点轻松被录取,但是现在多了这个性别限额,(如果因为这个限额导致我没拿到这份工作)那就太不公平了。”

Park points to women's universities as another example. In South Korea, there are more than a dozen women-only universities and no male equivalent. Some of these schools offer courses in highly coveted professions like law or pharmacy -- and as the country caps the number of law students, the more places that go to women, the fewer there are for men.

朴指出女子大学就是另外一个例子。在韩国,有超过12所女子大学,但是并没有男子大学。其中一些学校开设了法律或制药学这类高需求的课程——随着韩国对法律生数量的限制,更多的名额到了女性手里,而留给男性的就没多少了。

In her report published last year, researcher Ma said South Korea was in a time of "infinite competition where it is impossible to find a stable job." The older generation of men grew up at a time when women worked in factories, so while many saw women as weaker beings, they understood that women made sacrifices for them, Ma said. "To men in their 20s, women are seen as a competitor to overcome."

在马去年发布的一项报告里,她指出韩国正处于一个“有着无穷无尽竞争的时期,想要找到一份稳定的工作是不可能的”。马说,在老一辈男性成长的时代,女性都在工厂里工作,因此虽然有些人将女性看做是弱者,他们还是明白女性为了他们做出了牺牲。“而如今20代的男性,女性被他们视为要战胜的竞争者。”

The conflict is being exacerbated by the internet,where casual misogyny is being normalized, said Ma.

马表示,这一冲突又被网络加剧了,在网络上,偶尔的厌女症被平常化了。

Ma found that men who learned about feminism online were more likely to be anti-feminist than those who acquired information offline. She was also surprised to discover that higher-income and higher-educated groups were just as likely to hold anti-feminist views as their lower-income and lower-education counterparts.

马发现,在网上了解女权主义的男性比起在线下获取相关知识的男性,更容易成为反女权主义者。她还意外的发现,那些高收入高学历群体也和低收入低学历群体一样抱有反女权主义的观点。

And while their fathers saw woman as needing protection, Ma found many younger men believe it's women who now hold the power. For them, the #MeToo movement, mandatory military service, and government programs for women's advancement are signs that the playing field is tilting against men.

虽然他们的父辈把女性看做需要保护的弱势群体,但马发现许多年轻男性认为如今掌权的是女性。对他们来说,#MeToo运动、强制兵役以及政府的女性发展项目都表明了,天秤已经开始偏向女性那一侧了。

Only two years ago, men in their 20s overwhelmingly supported President Moon. Now, less than 30% of men in their 20s supported Moon, compared to 63.5% of women, according to December's Realmeter poll.

就在两年前,20多岁的男性压倒性地支持文在寅。根据Realmeter去年12月的调查,现在,20多岁的男性中支持文在寅的比例不足30%,而女性中这一比例为63.5%。

The trend -- which could be explained by the President's perceived feminist leaning -- has prompted some to seek out politicians that reflect their views. But when they look, they find there are few options.

这一趋势——能够被文总统的女权倾向所解释——促使一些人寻求政客的帮助来反映自己的声音。但当他们想要寻找合适人选时,却发现可选择的余地很小。

One is Lee Jun-seok, a 34-year-old senior member of centrist Bareun Mirae Party, who has publicly accused feminists of making an unfair grab for privilege at the expense of men. A series of YouTube videos titled "a feminist being destroyed by Lee Jun-seok in debates," have more than 4 million views and tens of thousands of comments, almost all praising Lee.

其中一位是34岁的李俊石(Lee Jun-seok),他是正未来党的高级成员,曾公开指责女权主义者以牺牲男性利益为代价,不公平地攫取特权。在YouTube上有一系列名为《被李俊石在辩论中摧毁的女权主义者》的视频,有超过400万的浏览量和上万的评论,几乎所有的评论都在赞扬他。

"As (the ruling Democratic Party) moves towards women's rights, the generation (of men) in their 20s and 30s feels clearly lost," Lee says.

李说:“随着民主党政府开始倾向妇女的权利,20代和30代的男性显然有些不知所措。”

That's because, currently, no political party is exploiting the growing number of disgruntled men. Lee suggests a party with a strong anti-feminist message could emerge at next year's general election, just as right wing groups surged in Europe.

这是因为目前还没有任何政党对不断增加的不满男性数量进行开发利用。他暗示,明年的大选可能会出现一个强烈反女权主义的政党,就像欧洲右翼团体激增一样。

For now, Bareun Mirae's efforts to attract young men seem to be paying off. According to a Gallup Poll earlier this year, men in their 20s and 30s were Bareun Mirae's biggest supporters.

目前,正未来党吸引年轻男性的努力似乎正在取得成效。盖洛普(Gallup)今年早些时候的一项调查显示,二三十岁的男性是正未来党最大的支持者。

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